Good Friday Agreement Content
As part of the agreement, it was proposed to build on the existing Inter-Parliamentary Commission in English-Irish. Prior to the agreement, the body was composed only of parliamentarians from the British and Irish assemblies. In 2001, as proposed by the agreement, it was extended to include parliamentarians of all members of the Anglo-Irish Council. The result of these referendums was a large majority in both parts of Ireland in favour of the agreement. In the Republic, 56% of the electorate voted, 94% of the vote voted in favour of the revision of the Constitution. The turnout was 81% in Northern Ireland, with 71% of the vote for the agreement. As part of the agreement, the British and Irish governments committed to holding referendums in Northern Ireland and the Republic on 22 May 1998. The referendum on Northern Ireland is expected to approve the deal reached at the multi-party talks. The Republic of Ireland`s referendum should approve the Anglo-Irish agreement and facilitate the modification of the Irish constitution in accordance with the agreement. In these circumstances, power-sharing has proved impossible to maintain.
Meanwhile, voters in each community began to turn away from moderate parties, and instead support for Sinn Féin and the DUP grew, supplanting the SDLP and UUP. For much of the decade following the Good Friday agreement, decentralization was suspended because the main parties in each community were unable to reach a power-sharing agreement. Progress has been made on decommissioning, which was confirmed in September 2005, but a political agreement has remained thoughtless. Finally, the British and Irish governments held crisis talks in St Andrews in October 2006. There, Sinn Féin finally agreed to accept the PSNI, while the DUP agreed to share power with Sinn Féin. Finally, in May 2007, a leader of the DUP, Sinn Féin, UUP and SDLP was able to take office. This time, the institutions created under the Good Friday Agreement should be maintained until the current political crisis of January 2017 has led to the collapse of the executive. Unfortunately, it was not possible to reach an agreement on the implementation of the Stormont House agreement, which deals with the legacy of the past, as a time frame for discussions on the new beginning.
The Irish and British governments have committed to continue work on this issue in order to create an agreed basis for the creation of a new institutional framework for the management of the past, as envisaged in the Stormont Agreement. “It is up to the Irish people alone, by mutual agreement between the two parties and without external hindrance, of their right to self-determination on the basis of consent, freely and at the same time given, north and south, to achieve a united Ireland, while accepting that this right be acquired and exercised with the agreement and approval of the majority of the people of Northern Ireland.” In addition to the number of signatories[Note 1], Stefan Wolff identifies the following similarities and differences between the issues dealt with in the two agreements: The multi-party agreement is an agreement between the British government, the Irish government and most political parties in Northern Ireland. It defines the support of the signatory parties under the Anglo-Irish agreement and provides the framework for various political institutions. It is divided into three parts: a copy of the agreement was posted in every house in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland so that people could read before a referendum in which they could vote.